Who is Bello Matawalle?
Today let’s talk about Bello Matawalle Biography: In the troubled landscape of northwestern Nigeria, where banditry, kidnapping, and intercommunal violence have created one of the country’s most severe security crises, few political figures have adopted approaches as controversial and debated as Bello Mohammed Matawalle. As Governor of Zamfara State from 2019 to 2023, he pursued policies that divided opinion sharply—engaging in dialogue and amnesty programs with armed bandits terrorizing communities, switching political parties at crucial moments, and navigating the complex ethnic and religious dynamics of a state where governance itself had become a matter of physical survival for many citizens.
His tenure as governor represents both the desperate search for solutions to seemingly intractable security challenges and the profound difficulties of governing in contexts where state authority has been severely compromised. Supporters credit him with bringing temporary relief to communities ravaged by violence through pragmatic engagement with armed groups. Critics condemn him for legitimizing criminals, undermining rule of law, and pursuing policies that may have provided short-term relief while creating long-term problems.
Bello Matawalle Biography

Bello Matawalle Early Life and Educational Background
Bello Mohammed Matawalle was born on June 12, 1969, in Maradun Local Government Area of Zamfara State, in northwestern Nigeria. He was born into the Fulani ethnic group during a period when Nigeria was still recovering from its devastating civil war and navigating the complexities of military rule that would dominate the country’s politics for decades. Growing up in Zamfara, which would not become a separate state until 1996, meant experiencing life in Nigeria’s northwest—a region characterized by Islamic culture, traditional emirate systems, agricultural economy, and the complex dynamics between farming and pastoralist communities that would later explode into violent conflict.
His early years were spent in an environment where traditional Islamic education and Western-style schooling coexisted, where respect for traditional authorities like emirs and district heads remained strong, and where poverty and limited infrastructure were daily realities for most people. These formative experiences in rural northwestern Nigeria would later inform his understanding of the region’s challenges and his approach to governance when he eventually became governor.
Matawalle pursued his education with determination, understanding that education represented the pathway to opportunity in Nigeria’s competitive society. After completing his primary and secondary education in Zamfara, he attended Usmanu Danfodiyo University in Sokoto, one of northwestern Nigeria’s premier universities, where he studied Pharmacy. Earning a pharmacy degree required rigorous scientific education and professional training, providing him with skills and credentials that would open professional opportunities beyond what many in his community could access.
After completing his pharmacy education, Matawalle worked as a pharmacist, practicing his profession in the healthcare sector. This professional background distinguished him from many Nigerian politicians who come primarily from law, business, or career politics. His experience in healthcare exposed him to the challenges ordinary Nigerians face in accessing medical services, the weaknesses in public health infrastructure, and the intersection between poverty and health outcomes. These experiences would later inform his approach to health policy as a political leader, though security challenges would ultimately dominate his governorship in ways that overshadowed other policy concerns.
Beyond his pharmacy degree, Matawalle pursued further education to deepen his knowledge and credentials. He attended Ahmadu Bello University in Zaria, another of northern Nigeria’s leading universities, where he earned additional qualifications. This commitment to continuing education demonstrated intellectual curiosity and recognition that leadership requires constantly expanding one’s knowledge base. His combination of scientific training and later management education provided a foundation for understanding both technical policy issues and organizational leadership challenges.
Bello Matawalle Entry Into Politics: From Healthcare to Public Service
Bello Matawalle’s transition from healthcare professional to politician reflected a pattern common in Nigerian politics, where professionals from various fields enter politics seeking to apply their expertise to public problems or simply to gain access to the power and resources that politics commands in Nigeria’s system. His entry into politics came through local government service in Zamfara State, where he began building the political networks and experience that would eventually propel him to higher office.
He served in various capacities within Zamfara State government during the early 2000s, as Nigeria transitioned from military rule to democratic governance under the Fourth Republic that began in 1999. These positions provided crucial experience in how government actually functions, the challenges of policy implementation, the importance of political relationships and patronage networks, and the realities of governance in a relatively poor state with limited resources and significant development challenges. Working within state government also exposed him to the political dynamics of Zamfara—the role of traditional authorities, the importance of ethnic and clan affiliations, the influence of religious leaders, and the competition between different political factions for power and resources.
His political career progressed through increasing responsibilities within Zamfara State’s political structure. He served as a commissioner in the state government, holding various ministerial portfolios that gave him executive experience and deepened his understanding of specific policy areas. These commissioner positions are significant in Nigerian state governance, as commissioners function essentially as state-level ministers responsible for implementing policies in their assigned sectors. The experience provided valuable preparation for eventual executive leadership while also raising his profile within Zamfara’s political establishment.
During this period, Matawalle aligned himself with the People’s Democratic Party, which had been Nigeria’s dominant party from 1999 until 2015 and remained strong in many parts of the country even after losing federal power. His political rise within the PDP structure demonstrated his ability to navigate party politics, build alliances with powerful figures, and position himself for higher office. The skills required for this advancement—coalition building, understanding patronage dynamics, balancing competing interests, and maintaining relationships across various factions—would later prove essential when he became governor and faced even more complex political challenges.
The 2019 Gubernatorial Election: A Controversial Victory
Bello Matawalle’s path to becoming Governor of Zamfara State in 2019 was extraordinary and controversial, involving political intrigue, legal battles, and circumstances that many observers found deeply troubling for Nigerian democracy. The story of how he became governor reveals much about the dysfunction in Nigeria’s political and judicial systems and set the stage for the controversies that would mark his tenure.
In the 2019 gubernatorial elections in Zamfara State, Matawalle ran as the candidate of the People’s Democratic Party against candidates from several other parties, most notably the All Progressives Congress which had been dominant in the state. However, the APC in Zamfara was deeply divided by internal factional conflicts over who should be the party’s candidates for various positions. These internal disputes were so severe that the party conducted multiple primaries, with different factions claiming their chosen candidates were legitimate.
The factional conflict within Zamfara APC escalated to the courts, with competing factions filing lawsuits over who had rightful claim to the party’s nominations. In a dramatic and controversial ruling shortly before the 2019 elections, courts determined that the APC had not conducted valid primary elections in Zamfara State and therefore should not be allowed to field candidates in the upcoming elections. This meant that all APC candidates—for governor, Senate, House of Representatives, and State House of Assembly—were disqualified from participating in the elections.
The disqualification of the APC, which had been expected to win most positions in the heavily APC-leaning state, fundamentally transformed the electoral landscape. When elections proceeded, Matawalle and his PDP were the main beneficiaries of this situation. However, the initial electoral results still showed him losing to candidates from other parties. But after the courts definitively ruled that APC candidates could not stand, the electoral commission had to determine how to handle votes cast for disqualified candidates and who should be declared winner.
In another controversial development, the Independent National Electoral Commission, following court directives, determined that since the APC candidates who had received the most votes were disqualified, the winner should be the candidate from a qualified party who had received the next highest number of votes. This turned out to be Matawalle of the PDP. In essence, Matawalle became governor not by winning the most votes in the initial count, but through a legal and administrative process following the disqualification of candidates who had actually received more votes.
This path to power was deeply controversial and raised serious questions about Nigerian democracy. Critics argued that a candidate who lost the popular vote should not become governor through legal and administrative technicalities, that the judicial intervention had essentially overturned voters’ will, and that the entire episode demonstrated how dysfunctional Nigeria’s electoral and judicial systems had become. Supporters countered that the APC had violated electoral rules through its botched primary process and therefore had no right to benefit from that violation, that following legal procedures even when they produced uncomfortable outcomes was important for rule of law, and that Matawalle had won fairly under the actual rules even if the circumstances were unusual.
Regardless of these debates, Matawalle was sworn in as Governor of Zamfara State on May 29, 2019, assuming leadership of a state facing some of Nigeria’s most severe security and development challenges. The controversial circumstances of his victory would shadow his governorship, with political opponents constantly questioning his legitimacy and using the unusual electoral circumstances to undermine his authority. He would govern a state where many citizens had not actually voted for him and where powerful political forces remained opposed to his administration.
Bello Matawalle Inheriting a Security Nightmare: Zamfara’s Banditry Crisis
When Bello Matawalle assumed office as governor, he inherited what was arguably Nigeria’s most severe state-level security crisis. Zamfara had become synonymous with banditry—armed groups terrorizing rural communities through kidnapping for ransom, cattle rustling on massive scales, village raids resulting in mass killings, sexual violence against women and girls, and displacement of entire communities. The violence had created a humanitarian catastrophe, destroyed the state’s agricultural economy, shuttered schools as teachers and students were targeted, and made large areas of the state effectively ungovernable as bandits controlled territory and moved freely despite military and police presence.
The roots of Zamfara’s security crisis were complex and contested, involving the breakdown of traditional mechanisms for managing farmer-herder conflicts, proliferation of illegal weapons, poverty and youth unemployment creating pools of recruits for armed groups, ethnic tensions between settled farming communities and pastoralist groups, political manipulation of these tensions by various actors, weak and corrupt security forces unable or unwilling to protect citizens, and the broader governance failures that had left rural communities vulnerable and resentful. Some analysts emphasized the farmer-herder conflict dimensions, others focused on criminality and economic motivations, still others pointed to political dimensions and the role of various actors in arming and manipulating violence.
Whatever the precise causes, the result was clear—thousands of people killed, tens of thousands displaced, economic activity severely disrupted, schools and clinics closed, and communities living in constant fear. Previous governors and security strategies had failed to contain the violence, which had only escalated over the years leading up to Matawalle’s assumption of office. The military presence in the state, rather than solving the problem, had sometimes exacerbated it through heavy-handed tactics that alienated communities, alleged collaboration between some security personnel and bandits, and the simple reality that conventional military approaches were failing against highly mobile bandit groups with deep knowledge of local terrain and support networks within communities.
This was the desperate situation Matawalle inherited—a state where governance had effectively collapsed in many areas, where citizens had lost faith in the government’s ability to protect them, where the economy was in ruins, and where any governor faced impossible choices between various failed approaches and untested alternatives that carried their own risks. His response to this crisis would define his governorship and generate intense controversy that continues to this day.
The Controversial Dialogue and Amnesty Approach
Faced with the seemingly intractable security crisis and the evident failure of purely military approaches to contain banditry, Governor Matawalle adopted a controversial strategy that would become his signature policy—engaging in dialogue with bandit groups and offering amnesty programs aimed at convincing armed fighters to surrender their weapons in exchange for forgiveness and reintegration support. This approach, often referred to as “dialogue and reconciliation,” represented a fundamental departure from the conventional approach of treating bandits purely as criminals to be defeated militarily.
The logic behind Matawalle’s approach, as articulated by his administration and supporters, rested on several premises. They argued that purely military approaches had failed for years and that continuing the same strategy while expecting different results was futile. They contended that many bandits were not ideologically motivated terrorists but rather individuals driven into violence by poverty, marginalization, and cycles of revenge, and therefore were potentially amenable to negotiated settlements. They suggested that the government lacked the military capacity to defeat all bandit groups through force and that attempting to do so would result in more civilian casualties and displacement. They argued that dialogue could split bandit groups, with those genuinely interested in peace abandoning violence while military pressure continued on those who refused to negotiate. They emphasized that dialogue did not mean abandoning rule of law but rather represented a pragmatic approach to ending violence and creating conditions where normal law enforcement could resume.
The amnesty programs involved several components. Bandits who surrendered weapons would receive guarantees against prosecution for past crimes, creating controversy about whether serious criminals including murderers and kidnappers should receive such immunity. Some programs offered cash payments or economic support to ex-bandits as incentives for disarmament, raising questions about whether the government was essentially paying criminals to stop committing crimes. Reintegration support included vocational training, agricultural inputs, and other assistance aimed at providing legitimate livelihoods, though the actual delivery of these promises was often questioned. Community dialogue processes sought to address underlying grievances and tensions between farming and pastoralist communities, recognizing that resolving these conflicts was essential for lasting peace.
The implementation of these dialogue and amnesty programs did produce some initial positive results that encouraged Matawalle and his supporters. There were periods when violence decreased in some areas where bandit leaders had agreed to ceasefires, kidnappings and attacks declined temporarily in certain localities, some weapons were surrendered during publicized disarmament ceremonies, and some displaced persons felt safe enough to return to their communities. These successes, however limited and temporary, provided Matawalle with evidence that his approach had merit and could deliver the peace that military operations had failed to achieve.
However, the dialogue and amnesty approach generated intense criticism from multiple directions and faced serious practical problems that undermined its effectiveness. Critics argued that offering amnesty to individuals who had committed murders, kidnappings, rapes, and other serious crimes undermined rule of law and denied justice to victims and their families. They contended that providing payments and support to bandits created perverse incentives, essentially rewarding criminality and potentially encouraging others to take up arms knowing they could later receive amnesty and benefits. They suggested that bandits were using dialogue and ceasefires tactically, resting and rearming during negotiations before returning to violence once they had extracted whatever benefits they could. They argued that the policy legitimized bandit leaders, elevating criminals to the status of negotiating partners with government and potentially strengthening their positions. They questioned whether governors had the authority to grant amnesty for serious federal crimes and whether such programs violated national laws and constitutional provisions.
Practical implementation problems also plagued the initiative. Verification of genuine disarmament was nearly impossible, as bandits could surrender old weapons while keeping better arms hidden. Coordination between military forces and dialogue initiatives was poor, with military operations sometimes continuing even in areas where local officials had negotiated ceasefires, undermining trust. Many bandits who supposedly accepted amnesty later returned to violence, suggesting they had never genuinely intended to abandon criminality. The promised reintegration support often failed to materialize adequately, leaving ex-bandits without legitimate livelihood alternatives. The approach required trust between parties with long histories of violence and betrayal, a commodity in extremely short supply.
Perhaps most problematically, violence often resumed after temporary lulls, with devastating attacks by supposedly rehabilitated bandits or new groups taking advantage of reduced military pressure. These resumed attacks, including mass killings, school abductions, and large-scale kidnappings, undermined claims that the dialogue approach was working and provided ammunition to critics who argued that the policy was naïve at best and complicit at worst. Each major attack after amnesty processes generated intense public anger and calls for abandoning dialogue in favor of overwhelming military force.
The debate over Matawalle’s dialogue and amnesty approach ultimately reflected deeper questions about how states should respond to internal security crises, whether negotiating with criminals who commit atrocities can ever be justified, how to balance justice for past crimes against pragmatic efforts to end ongoing violence, and what alternatives exist when conventional security approaches have demonstrably failed. These questions have no easy answers, and reasonable people can disagree about whether Matawalle’s approach was a desperate but necessary attempt to end violence through unconventional means or a dangerous legitimization of criminality that may have made problems worse in the long run.
Bello Matawalle Political Defection: Switching from PDP to APC
In a dramatic political move that shocked Nigerian politics, Bello Matawalle announced in June 2021, roughly halfway through his four-year term, that he was defecting from the People’s Democratic Party to the All Progressives Congress. This defection represented one of the highest-profile party switches in recent Nigerian politics and fundamentally altered the political dynamics in Zamfara State and the broader northwestern region.
Political defections are unfortunately common in Nigerian politics, where ideology matters less than access to power and resources, and politicians regularly switch parties based on calculations about where their interests are best served. However, Matawalle’s defection was particularly significant and controversial for several reasons. He had been elected on a PDP platform, meaning voters who supported him had done so at least partly based on his party affiliation, and his switch could be seen as betraying that electoral mandate. The defection came during his term rather than before an election, raising questions about whether he should have resigned and sought a new mandate under his new party. It moved Zamfara State’s governorship from opposition to ruling party control, strengthening the APC’s grip on northwestern states and potentially affecting national political calculations.
The timing suggested possible connections to his controversial banditry policies, as joining the ruling party might provide better protection against federal intervention or criticism. It could potentially bring more federal resources and support to Zamfara given the APC’s control of the federal government. The defection also represented a remarkable irony, as Matawalle had only become governor due to the APC’s disqualification from the 2019 Zamfara elections, and now he was joining the very party whose dysfunction had inadvertently made his governorship possible.
Matawalle’s stated reasons for defecting focused on his desire to work more closely with the federal government to address Zamfara’s security challenges, suggesting that being in the same party as President Muhammadu Buhari would facilitate better coordination and resource allocation. He claimed that the PDP had not adequately supported his administration and that moving to the APC would enable him to better serve Zamfara’s interests. He suggested that his defection would help him access federal support for his development and security programs. He argued that party loyalty mattered less than delivering results for citizens and that he was making a pragmatic choice in the state’s interests.
Critics offered more cynical interpretations of his motivations. They suggested he feared federal government action against his controversial amnesty programs and believed joining the ruling party would provide protection. They argued he was positioning himself for political survival ahead of the 2023 elections, recognizing that remaining in opposition might make re-election difficult. They contended that patronage and resource access rather than principled concerns about service delivery motivated the switch. They characterized the defection as a betrayal of voters who had supported him as a PDP candidate.
The defection triggered political upheaval in Zamfara. PDP members who had supported Matawalle felt betrayed and some launched legal challenges attempting to remove him from office for abandoning the party that elected him. The APC welcomed him enthusiastically, seeing the defection as validation of their party and a strategic gain in the northwest. State-level political dynamics shifted dramatically as politicians and political appointees had to decide whether to follow Matawalle to the APC or remain with the PDP. The move intensified already bitter political divisions in the state, with the opposition PDP becoming even more hostile to Matawalle’s administration.
The legality of the defection was contested, with opponents arguing that the Constitution required him to vacate office since he had abandoned the party whose ticket he was elected on. Courts were asked to rule on whether a governor elected on one party’s platform could remain in office after defecting to another party. The legal arguments were complex, involving constitutional interpretations of when defections should trigger loss of office. Ultimately, Matawalle survived the legal challenges and remained as governor under his new party affiliation, though the controversies over his defection continued to shadow his administration.
Bello Matawalle Governance Challenges Beyond Security
While security dominated Matawalle’s governorship and public attention, he faced numerous other governance challenges that were overshadowed by the banditry crisis but remained significant for Zamfara’s development. The state’s economy was in severe distress, with agricultural production—the foundation of most residents’ livelihoods—severely disrupted by insecurity that prevented farmers from accessing their fields, destroyed livestock, and displaced entire farming communities. Mining activities, both legal and illegal, created environmental damage, revenue losses, and security complications as control of mining areas became part of the broader conflict dynamics.
The humanitarian crisis created by years of violence meant hundreds of thousands of internally displaced persons required assistance, shelter, food, and basic services that strained the state’s limited resources. Education faced catastrophic disruptions, with schools closed across large areas due to security threats, teachers and students kidnapped by bandits creating fear that kept children out of school even where facilities remained open, and years of missed education creating a lost generation with limited prospects. Healthcare infrastructure remained inadequate, with facilities destroyed or abandoned in violence-affected areas, shortages of medical personnel afraid to work in insecure environments, and disease outbreaks including malaria, cholera, and other preventable conditions thriving in displacement camps and under-served communities.
Infrastructure across the state—roads, water systems, electricity—ranged from inadequate to non-existent in many areas, with insecurity making repairs and new construction difficult or impossible. Corruption remained endemic throughout government systems, diverting resources away from service delivery and development programs. Revenue generation suffered as economic activity declined and government capacity to collect taxes and fees weakened. Federal allocation remained the primary revenue source, but these resources were far from adequate for the state’s massive needs.
Matawalle’s administration attempted to address some of these challenges despite resource constraints and the overwhelming focus on security. His government implemented programs aimed at improving education access, providing agricultural support to farmers, expanding healthcare services, investing in infrastructure where security permitted, and supporting economic activities. However, these development efforts were consistently undermined by the security situation, which not only diverted resources toward security spending but also made implementation of development programs extremely difficult in affected areas.
The fundamental reality Matawalle faced was that meaningful development and governance improvement were nearly impossible as long as large areas of the state remained insecure and the banditry crisis continued consuming attention and resources. This created a vicious cycle where poor governance and development contributed to conditions enabling banditry, while banditry made improving governance and development nearly impossible. Breaking this cycle required either achieving security first to enable development or simultaneously pursuing both security and development tracks, neither of which proved easy in practice.
The 2023 Elections and Political Transition
As Governor Matawalle’s term approached its end, the 2023 gubernatorial elections in Zamfara State became a referendum on his controversial tenure and his security policies. Having defected to the APC, Matawalle supported his party’s gubernatorial candidate, Dauda Lawal Dare of the APC, while facing opposition from the PDP candidate and his former party that he had abandoned. The election campaign was contentious, with security, governance performance, and Matawalle’s controversial policies all becoming major issues.
The security situation remained deeply problematic as elections approached, with ongoing attacks and insecurity creating fears about whether elections could even be conducted safely across the state. Political violence and intimidation by various groups complicated the electoral environment, making free and fair voting difficult in many areas. Matawalle’s record, particularly his dialogue and amnesty approach to banditry, became a central campaign issue, with opponents arguing that his policies had failed as violence continued while supporters claimed that situations would have been even worse without his initiatives.
In the gubernatorial election, the PDP candidate Dauda Lawal defeated the APC candidate, meaning that Matawalle would hand over power to the opposition party he had abandoned through his 2021 defection. The loss represented a repudiation of Matawalle’s administration by Zamfara voters, though interpreting electoral results in Nigeria is complex given multiple factors including ethnicity, local politics, and campaign resources that influence outcomes beyond just assessments of incumbent performance.
However, Matawalle’s political career did not end with his governorship. In a move that demonstrated his continued political relevance despite his controversial gubernatorial tenure, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu appointed him as Minister of State for Defence in the federal government cabinet formed after the 2023 presidential election. This appointment was significant and controversial for multiple reasons, placing a figure known for pursuing dialogue with bandits in a national defense role, suggesting that despite criticisms of his approach, the federal government viewed his experience as valuable, providing him with continued political relevance and influence even after losing state-level power, and generating criticism from those who questioned whether someone with his controversial record should hold defense responsibilities at the national level.
The appointment indicated that whatever controversies surrounded Matawalle’s governorship, he retained sufficient political capital within the APC and had cultivated relationships with national leadership that secured him a prominent federal position. It also suggested that his approach to security challenges, despite intense criticism, was not viewed as completely beyond the pale by national leadership, which may have seen value in his experience dealing with northwestern security challenges even if his specific policies remained controversial.
Bello Matawalle Legacy and Assessment: A Controversial Tenure
Assessing Bello Matawalle’s governorship requires grappling with extremely difficult questions about governance, security, ethics, and the impossible choices leaders face in crisis situations. His tenure as governor of Zamfara State from 2019 to 2023 left a complex and deeply contested legacy that will be debated for years.
His supporters point to several achievements and circumstances that they argue should inform assessments of his leadership. They note that he inherited an impossible security situation where years of military approaches had failed spectacularly to contain banditry, and that criticizing his alternative approach without acknowledging the proven failure of conventional strategies is unfair. They argue that during periods when his dialogue initiatives produced ceasefires, communities experienced relief from violence that conventional approaches had never delivered, even if that relief proved temporary. They contend that he demonstrated willingness to try unconventional approaches rather than simply continuing failed policies out of fear of criticism, showing courage even if the outcomes were mixed. They suggest that many problems blamed on his policies actually stemmed from inadequate federal support, poor military coordination, and broader failures beyond his control. They note that he attempted to address development challenges including education, healthcare, and infrastructure despite severe resource constraints and overwhelming security demands.
Critics offer a starkly different assessment of his governorship, arguing that his legacy is primarily negative and his policies may have made long-term problems worse. They contend that his dialogue and amnesty approach undermined rule of law by offering impunity to criminals who had committed murders, kidnappings, and other serious crimes, denying justice to victims. They argue that his policies legitimized bandit groups, elevating criminals to negotiating partners with government and potentially strengthening rather than weakening them. They point out that violence continued throughout his tenure, with major attacks including mass killings and abductions occurring even during supposed peace periods, demonstrating policy failure. They suggest that his approach created perverse incentives, rewarding criminality and potentially encouraging others to take up arms knowing they could later receive amnesty and benefits. They argue that his political defection from PDP to APC represented opportunism and betrayal of the voters who elected him on a PDP platform.
They note that development indicators including education, healthcare, and economic activity did not improve significantly during his tenure, with some areas worsening as security remained poor. They question whether funds allocated to amnesty programs and payments to bandits represented misuse of scarce public resources. They argue that his controversial policies damaged Zamfara’s reputation and complicated efforts to address security challenges through coordinated approaches.
The most difficult questions about Matawalle’s governorship involve counterfactuals that cannot be definitively answered. Would purely military approaches have produced better outcomes than his dialogue strategy, or would they have resulted in even more violence and civilian casualties as they had under previous administrations? Did his policies provide any genuine relief to suffering communities, however temporary, or did they simply enable bandits to regroup and ultimately perpetuate violence? Should leaders in desperate situations try unconventional approaches that violate normal principles if conventional approaches have proven completely ineffective, or must certain ethical and legal boundaries be maintained regardless of practical consequences? How much responsibility does Matawalle bear for security failures versus broader systemic problems including federal government failures, military inadequacy, and deeper social and economic factors driving conflict?
These questions have no simple answers, and honest observers can reach different conclusions based on how they weigh competing considerations and values. What seems clear is that Matawalle governed during an extraordinarily difficult period, that he attempted approaches that differed from failed conventional strategies, that his policies produced mixed results at best with temporary successes followed by resumed violence, that serious ethical and legal questions surround his amnesty approach, and that by the end of his tenure, insecurity remained a severe problem even if some indicators showed marginal improvement compared to the worst periods before his governorship.
Conclusion
Bello Mohammed Matawalle’s journey from pharmacist to state governor to federal minister represents a political career shaped by profound crisis and impossible choices. His governorship of Zamfara State during one of the most severe security crises in Nigeria’s history forced him to confront questions that have no good answers—how to respond when the state has lost control of significant territory, when conventional security approaches have demonstrably failed, when citizens are dying in large numbers and demanding action, and when no options available seem likely to work.
His decision to pursue dialogue and amnesty with bandit groups rather than relying purely on military force represented either a pragmatic recognition that conventional approaches had failed and alternatives must be tried, or a dangerous legitimization of criminality that undermined rule of law and potentially made problems worse. His political defection from the PDP to the APC reflected either strategic thinking about how to better serve his state’s interests through alignment with federal power, or opportunistic betrayal of the voters who had elected him. His controversial tenure as governor left Zamfara neither at peace nor in the state of utter collapse that some had feared, but rather in continued crisis with uncertain prospects for improvement.
His appointment as Minister of State for Defence in the federal government suggests that despite intense criticism, his experience dealing with northwestern security challenges is valued by national leadership and that his political career continues beyond his governorship. Whether his federal role will allow him to apply lessons learned from governing Zamfara to broader national security challenges, or whether his controversial approaches will prove as contentious at the federal level as they were in Zamfara, remains to be seen.
Bello Matawalle’s story ultimately illuminates the profound challenges facing Nigeria’s northwest and the desperate search for solutions to violence that has devastated communities and undermined governance. His controversial approaches force consideration of how states should respond when they face internal security crises that conventional methods cannot resolve, what the boundaries of acceptable policy should be even in desperate circumstances, and whether pragmatic flexibility or principled adherence to rule of law better serves vulnerable populations caught in violent conflict.
History’s judgment on his governorship will likely remain contested, with supporters and critics continuing to debate whether he was a leader who tried unconventional solutions to impossible problems or a governor whose controversial policies legitimized criminality and failed to deliver the peace they promised. What seems certain is that his tenure represents an important case study in the challenges of governing amid severe security crises and the difficult choices leaders face when none of the available options seem adequate to the problems they confront.

Frequently Asked Questions about Bello Matawalle
Who is Bello Matawalle and how did he become Governor of Zamfara State?
Bello Mohammed Matawalle, born June 12, 1969, in Maradun Local Government Area of Zamfara State, is a Nigerian politician who served as Governor of Zamfara State from 2019 to 2023 and currently serves as Minister of State for Defence in the federal government. He trained as a pharmacist, earning his degree from Usmanu Danfodiyo University in Sokoto and working in healthcare before entering politics through local government service and eventually becoming a commissioner in Zamfara State government. His path to the governorship in 2019 was extraordinary and controversial, involving the disqualification of the All Progressives Congress from fielding candidates in Zamfara elections due to botched party primaries and internal factional conflicts. Although Matawalle’s People’s Democratic Party initially received fewer votes than the disqualified APC candidates, courts ruled that the APC’s violations meant their votes should not count, and the Independent National Electoral Commission determined that the candidate from a qualified party with the next highest votes should be declared winner, which was Matawalle. This controversial process meant he became governor not by winning the most votes in the initial count but through legal and administrative procedures following the APC’s disqualification, creating a legitimacy crisis that shadowed his entire governorship as many citizens had not actually voted for him and political opponents constantly questioned his right to govern.
What was Matawalle’s controversial approach to dealing with banditry in Zamfara State?
terrorizing Zamfara State rather than relying purely on military force to combat them. His approach involved engaging in negotiations with bandit leaders to convince them to surrender weapons in exchange for amnesty from prosecution for past crimes including murders, kidnappings, and other serious offenses, providing cash payments and economic support to ex-bandits as incentives for disarmament, offering reintegration assistance including vocational training and agricultural inputs to provide legitimate livelihoods, and conducting community dialogue processes to address underlying grievances and tensions between farming and pastoralist communities. His logic was that purely military approaches had failed for years and that many bandits were driven by poverty and grievances rather than ideology, making them potentially amenable to negotiated settlements, that the government lacked capacity to militarily defeat all bandit groups, and that dialogue could split groups between those genuinely interested in peace and those who could then face continued military pressure. The approach produced some initial positive results including temporary ceasefire periods where violence decreased in certain areas, some weapons surrendered in publicized ceremonies, and some displaced persons returning to their communities. However, it generated intense criticism for undermining rule of law by offering impunity to serious criminals, creating perverse incentives by rewarding criminality, legitimizing bandit leaders by making them negotiating partners with government, and practical problems including bandits using ceasefires to regroup, verification difficulties, inadequate reintegration support, and resumed violence by supposedly rehabilitated bandits that suggested the approach was failing to deliver lasting peace.
Governor Matawalle adopted a highly controversial strategy of dialogue and amnesty with bandit groups
Why did Bello Matawalle switch political parties during his governorship?
In June 2021, midway through his four-year gubernatorial term, Bello Matawalle made the dramatic decision to defect from the People’s Democratic Party under which he was elected to the All Progressives Congress, shocking Nigerian politics and fundamentally altering political dynamics in Zamfara State. His stated reasons focused on wanting to work more closely with the APC-controlled federal government to address Zamfara’s security challenges, claiming better coordination and resource access would result from being in the same party as President Buhari, and arguing that the PDP had not adequately supported his administration while the APC would enable him to better serve the state’s interests. Critics offered more cynical interpretations, suggesting he feared federal government action against his controversial amnesty programs and believed joining the ruling party would provide protection, that he was positioning for political survival ahead of 2023 elections recognizing that remaining in opposition might doom his re-election prospects, and that patronage and resource access rather than principled service delivery concerns motivated the switch. The defection was particularly controversial because he had been elected on a PDP platform meaning voters who supported him did so partly based on that party affiliation, because it
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